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Second-term Albanese Government can escape the Liberal veto

It's time for Albanese to capture the spirit of Whitlam in his approach.

It's time for Albanese to capture the spirit of Whitlam in his approach. Photo: TND/AAP

While the exact numbers are not settled, what is clear is that the Albanese Labor Government has won a decisive majority in the Parliament.

There will be a progressive majority in the Senate too, with most likely only the Greens needed to pass legislation.

With a seat count in the 40s, the Liberal–National Coalition is not a credible alternative government and will not be for the foreseeable future.

In Opposition, Anthony Albanese promised bravery, bold policy and optimism.

Six years into Coalition government, he quoted Labor great Gough Whitlam to contrast Labor with its opponents: “A conservative government survives essentially by dampening expectations and subduing hopes.”

But as Prime Minister, Albanese has been conciliatory to the Peter Dutton-led Opposition, even deferential.

Labor used the conservative opposition to dampen expectations and subdue hopes. Letting Dutton govern from Opposition is not a luxury any conservative government would have afforded a Labor opposition leader.

The Government refused to pursue religious liberty and religious discrimination protections without Coalition support, although Labor had promised reform ahead of the 2022 election.

It cancelled testing on new census questions on sexuality, gender identity and intersex status because they were “divisive”, echoing Dutton’s language – though even Dutton would eventually say he was “fine” with them.

Albanese defended the failure to implement truth in political advertising laws (despite the laws being prepared and tabled by his minister) because “we didn’t have support for [it] from the Coalition”.

Labor watered down its donation transparency laws, settling on the Coalition’s preferred $5000 threshold even though Labor policy is to disclose above $1000.

Labor ignored concerns from integrity groups, charities and independents that other changes were damaging and counterproductive. The minister responsible, Don Farrell, routinely emphasised that he prioritised winning the support of the Coalition.

After previously supporting broader public hearing powers and a dedicated Whistleblower Commissioner, Labor’s model severely limited the National Anti-Corruption Commission to holding public hearings only “in exceptional circumstances” and without an agency to protect whistleblowers.

Albanese personally intervened to veto nature positive legislation negotiated with the Greens because there was not “a majority” – by which he presumably meant the major parties only.

The Albanese Government even pulled its plan to modestly increase the number of senators representing the territories after the Coalition refused to support the increase.

It is hard to imagine Albanese’s hero Whitlam doing the same. This is the prime minister who, in the 1970s, fought the Liberals tooth and nail to win Senate representation for the territories – eventually forcing the matter in a historic joint-sitting of the two houses of parliament.

Where was the spirit of Whitlam when the Albanese Government made significant concessions to the Coalition on aged care reform; did not appoint crossbenchers to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security in the face of Coalition objections; and legislated mandatory minimum jail terms in clear breach of the Labor party platform?

As well as deferring to the Opposition on new legislation, the Labor Government safeguarded policies from nine years of Coalition Government.

Labor has not restored the foreign aid cuts that occurred under the Abbott Government, or rolled back the permanent university fee increases from the Morrison Government. Prosecutions of whistleblowers proceeded, with David McBride jailed under Albanese.

There are two prominent examples of Labor defying the Coalition in its first term.

The Labor Government reformed the Stage 3 tax cuts over the protestations of the Opposition. Rather than opening up a sustained attack on the government, the reforms were popular and the Coalition quickly fell in line.

The Government also achieved major industrial relations reform. The trade unions would never have accepted that IR policy must be “bipartisan” or that “stable government” demanded the Opposition’s consent, so Labor did not even try to dampen expectations and subdue hopes. They just delivered.  

Anthony Albanese and the Labor Government have won a thumping new majority despite a low primary vote, aided by tailwinds from the US and the preferences of millions of Greens, independent and minor party voters.

If you only get one Peter Dutton in your lifetime, this is his.

In the last term, the Labor Government said it was blocked from progress by the Liberal–National Opposition. After last Saturday’s election, the blocker, if it ever existed, is well and truly gone.

If Labor does not deliver truth in political advertising laws, anti-corruption public hearings and nature positive laws in this term, then Labor never actually wanted them.

No excuses. It’s time for a resurgent Albanese Government to do all the things it says it wants to do.

Bill Browne is director of the Australia Institute’s democracy and accountability program. 

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