Ten years on, thereās just one positive legacy of the Global Financial Crisis

āNo one would remember the Good Samaritan if heād only had good intentions; he had money as well.ā
Those words were spoken at the dawn of the neoliberal era in 1980 by British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, and they sum up the attitude that led to the Global Financial Crisis ā which ācelebratesā its 10th anniversary today.
The Thatcherite ideology was pretty simple: deregulate financial markets, lower taxes, privatise state-owned industry, let companies and individuals get as rich as they possibly can, and all will be well. Yes it will lead to inequality, but it will also increase wealth; and wealth will ādrag up the poor peopleā, as Mrs ThatcherĀ put it.
It was an ideology that extended beyond economics. It became a religion.
Britain in the 1970s was in crisis. The quasi-socialist āpost-war consensusā ā government ownership of industry, a massive welfare state, and a pact between governments and trade unions ā had hit a wall. Inflation was going crazy, wages were failing to keep up, and efforts to bring the economy under controlĀ by cutting public sectorĀ pay led to massive, nation-crippling industrial action. By the end of the decade the population was sick of unions, and wanted to give Mrs Thatcherās radical new vision a whirl.
I was born in London four years after Thatcher came to power, and by the time IĀ became consciousĀ her once-fringeĀ ideas were mainstream.
In theĀ environment I grew up in, if you didnātĀ accept that there was, in a deep, cross-party sense, āno alternativeā, you were at best a well-meaning naĆÆf, at worst a wicked (but obsolete) socialist. London in the 1980sĀ and ā90s was a city that really lived by Wall StreetĀ protagonistĀ Gordon Gekkoās memorable mantra: āGreed, forĀ lack of a better word, is good.ā
The UK and the US were the epicentresĀ of this ideology. US-based economist Milton Friedman and UK-based economist Friedrich Hayek were the new movementās spiritual leaders; Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan were its political agents. It quickly spread around the globe.
Australia, it seems, was spared some of the excesses of the new wave that hasĀ become known as neoliberalism. That may be because it happened during the Hawke-Keating government, and whileĀ that government did buy into a good deal of the Thatcherite policies, it managed to implement them in a more conciliatory way.
As a Brit with Aussie parentage, who has grown upĀ in both cultures, Australia has never seemed to me as intensely money-worshipping as the UK was before the GFC.
BeforeĀ being the operative word. The GFC didnāt hit Australia nearly as hard as it did the UK, and as a result there doesnāt appear to have been a particularly profound ideological shift.
But in the UK the shift is unmissable. The 2008 crash devastated the UKās real economy, not just its share market as in Australia, and the effects are still being felt. The population is utterly disillusioned. Two huge events of recent years demonstrate this: Brexit, and the rise of the UK Labour Partyās very left wing leader Jeremy Corbyn.
Brits no longer openly worship money, and those that do worship it do so quietly and shamefully. Thatās because of the GFC.
I went back to live in London for 18 months in 2015, and worked as a financial journalist. I was struck by how unflashy the City of London had become. It almost seemed ashamed of itself. Thatās not to say the finance industry was actuallyĀ better. But it wasnāt as openly arrogant as it used to be.
What Iām getting at isĀ itās no longer really acceptable to worship money the way it was in the decades leading up to the GFC. This is a huge cultural shift, and we clearly have the GFC to thank for it. It was a hard lesson to learn, and it hit those least responsible for it ā you know, āthe poor peopleā ā the hardest. But that ideological shift away from rampant greed is surelyĀ the one positive legacy of the GFC.
Britain is now paying a high price for itsĀ ardent conversionĀ toĀ the gospel of money. So is the US. Australia has got away with only minor scars ā partly thanks to good policy, but probably more so because itās in Asia and has loads of iron ore.
That puts Australia in a privileged position: while the Brits waste the best part of a decadeĀ trying to figure outĀ Brexit, and the US spend perhaps as long courting disaster under President Trump, Australia can watch and learn the lessons of the GFC and the neoliberal experiment without feeling its pain too harshly.
And hopefully the whole world (climate, economics and geopolitics permitting) will come out the other side a bit less greedy.








